Wednesday, January 18, 2012

Factional Competition in the Leadup to the the 2012 Majlis Election

One recurring debate that pops up about US-Iranian relations surrounds the perceived rationality of Tehran's decision making process - is it governed by apocalyptic religious ideology, or is it instead guided by rational self-interest? Supporters of the former explanation would argue that a politician like Ahmadinejad, who is not typically known for shying away from provoking confrontation (his comments about the Holocaust and Israel early in his administration were carefully calculated to produce the most amount of shock at home and abroad), would always pursue such a behavior even if it induced negative consequences.

Recent developments continue to add mounting evidence to the proposition that this is not the case and that the leadership in Tehran is not governed by an iron-clad ideology, but by a desire for survival (and the power needed to ensure survival) in the meat-grinder that is domestic politics.* Most recently, Ahmadinejad was rumored to have denounced the brinksmanship that Iran has engaged in over the Persian Gulf. The Telegraph asserts that:
Mr Ahmadinejad claims the supreme leader's loyalists are deliberately provoking a confrontation with the West to make him look weak, thereby undermining his supporters' prospects in elections to the Majlis... (The Telegraph)
This would provide a tempting explanation for the statements by figures like Gen. Safavi which, to all involved, appeared to be setting Iran up to lose face after being forced to back down from impossible positions (i.e. refusing to allow a USN carrier to reenter the Persian Gulf); in other words, to paraphrase John Limbert, it was a product of maximalist rhetoric painting the leadership into positions they could never hope to defend.

If this source is to be believed however this was not an accidental occurrence, but a concerted effort to sap Ahmadinejad's political capital leading up to the 2012 Majlis election. Indeed, Khamenei may be attempting to restrain an unpopular (among elites anyway) Ahmadinejad in order preserve the tenuous balance of power which sustains the legitimacy of the political sphere. The Supreme Leader's goal is not to publicly exclude Ahmadinejad or his allies from participation in they system because doing so would have much the same effect as the boycott by certain reformist candidates is intended to achieve - demonstrate to Khamenei that he (and by extension Velayat-e Faqih) no longer have the consent of the population to govern. In this manner, it's essential for the current alliance between traditional conservatives and principlists to actually deprive Ahmadinejad of his support at a popular level, and among key power nodes.

In this scenario, escalation could have several purposes. Sabotaging the economy by way of international relations would have negative consequences for Ahmadinejad who is already suffering significant public relations flak for his handling of the economy - the number one issue to many voters in the coming election. This option would also simultaneously be privately attractive to many key IRGC-aligned figures close to the Suprme Leader who could use the opportunity to consolidate their own 'grey-market' patronage networks. It seems short-sighted to believe however that this strategy will function without blowback for Khamenei; Ahmadinejad may be blamed in the short-term for the state of the economy, preventing him from using his faction to successfully balance against Khamenei, but it may be a Pyrrhic victory if it comes at the cost of heightened tensions, and an a sluggish economy overall. Furthermore, because Khamenei essentiallys offers no real alternative to this strategy it may eventually end up delegitimizing him as well in the end.

Alternately, it could function as a form of brinksmanship within Tehran. Khamenei may be gambling that when Iran is eventually forced to backdown from its 'impossible positions', then Ahmadinejad would be saddled with the blame for "bowing to foreigners intent on dominating Iran" - a common refrain in domestic factional warfare.

Maybe some other dynamic is at work here?

*  It should be noted that this is not to say that Iran is a purely rational state governed by formulaic calculations of power; they are still subject to the influence of ideology and the threat of miscalculation. This is far from a unique problem as all nations suffer from it to some degree and while it may weight the calculations one way or another, it can never negate the calculations altogether. Even if Ahmadinejad (or any politician) has come to the conclusion that his interest lies in avoiding conflict, it must be remembered that this is still only just a means to an end. In this case, the end is a revisionist redistribution of power towards a global multi-polar world.

4 comments:

  1. I found an interesting article about the possibility of Gen. Qassem Suleymani running in the 2013 presidential elections and what this will mean for the IRGC in general , check it out :

    http://www.aei.org/files/2012/01/10/-esmail-qaani-the-next-revolutionary-guards-quds-force-commander_172551246557.pdf

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  2. western journalists and analysts usually see Iran facts as they like to see, so usually see just part of the facts not all.

    Three main powerful groups competitors in coming elections are: United Front of Principlists (جبهه متحد اصولگرایان), Resistance Front (جبهه پایداری), and "Mardom Salary" (means deomcracy in English) Front.

    United Front Principlist is the most powerful front in election that consists of most of principlists (such as Velayati, Larijani, Ghalibaf, Mottaki and ...), their religious leader (coordinator) is Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani.

    Newly created "Resistance Front" consists of former members of Ahmadinejad government and his government supporters in Majlis members ,But are supporter of Velayat-e-Faghih and are against Mashayi. former ministers of Ahmadinejad like Bagheri Lankarani are some of famous members of this front, their religious leader is Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi (who is strongly againts Mashayi).

    United Front of Principlist and Resistance Front are negotiating to contribute in elections by a single list but till now they couldn't reach an agreement.

    Reformists consists of a wide variety groups,from those who are anti-IRI now and now are out of Iran to groups who are supporter of Velayat-e-Faghih (Supreme leader)like Kavakebian. latter groups now contributed in election as "Mardom Salary Front". Many of reformists didn't contribute in election too.

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  3. Greetings M-ATF

    While I acknowledge that events in Tehran are often obscured to outside eyes, the only thing we can do is recognize that fact and do our best to describe what's going on anyway.

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    I started studying the UFP in November and what struck me then is that they have such a broad level of support across the spectrum of the political establishment. For instance, you have traditional-conservatives like Ayatollahs Jannati and Yazdi allied with Principlists like Larijani, and Qalibaf, as well as pragmatic conservatives like Mottaki, Bahoner and Rafsanjani. Mahdavi-Kani might be classified as a moderate traditional-conservative who is closer than many to Rafsanjani. What I'm trying to get at here is that I'm surprised at the wide range of beliefs that is being incorporated into the coalition for the sake of producing a single, unified list that is acceptable to everyone.


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    I'm glad you brought up Mashei(Mashayi) because I was wondering about that myself. The figures I've seen associated with the Steadfast front have been predominant former Ahmadinejad ministers and associates who had very visible disputes with Mashei, including Gholam-Hossein Elham, Ali-Asqar Zarei, and Mohammad Hossein Safar Harandi.

    My best explanation would be that Ahmadinejad is hoping to distance himself from allegations of "deviationism" and "sedition" by disavowing Mashaei. I can't offer a comment on the actual state of Ahmadinejad-Mashaei relations behind the curtain however.

    I remember during Summer/Fall 2011 when the preparations for this election were first beginning to heat-up, Mesbah-Yazdi and Ahmadinejad were still divided; I would assume that his eventual inclusion into the Steadfast front was linked to the issue of Mashaei.

    ---

    From what I've seen, the biggest proponent of the "single list" strategy is Khamenei.* While the Supreme Leader has often fostered competition among the different factions, the overriding imperative in this case seems to be national unity; a divided conservative party gives the appearance of weakness by raising the profile of domestic in-fighting.

    [* - the major dividing issue, at least early in the season, preventing the formation of a unified list was the inclusion of pragmatic conservatives (aka 'the old-guard') like Rafsanjani in the coalition. I can't say for sure whether this was just a token issue chosen to represent the larger power struggle or if it genuinely was a major sticking-point.]

    Khamenei also seems heavily invested in getting the reformist factions to participate because they're needed to legitimize the electoral institutions. From what I've seen however the largest reformist factions are urging a boycott with the reformists who are actually running belonging to much smaller, independent affiliations.

    [Disclaimer: I know less about the specific activities of the reformists than I do about the conservatives in this election]

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  4. Good observation and study Galen
    when I talked about western journalists and analysts I didnt mean you, I talke general.
    Relation of Mashayi and Ahmadinejad is very strange, Even some of members of family of Ahmadinejad is against Mashei(Mashayi) like brother or huasband of daughter of Ahmadinejad.
    Personally I believe we can't say Rafsanjani is reformist or principlist.

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